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6 books about 1929-1933
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American Rhetoric in the New Deal Era, 1932-1945: A Rhetorical History of the United States, Volume VII
Thomas Benson
Michigan State University Press, 2006
Library of Congress E806.A638 2006 | Dewey Decimal 973.917

The New Deal era is hard to define with precision—in time or in ideology. Some historians use New Deal to designate the intense period of domestic reform legislation of the first Franklin Delano Roosevelt administration, 1933–37. Others confine discussion of the era to the legislation of 1933, and identify another wave of legislation in 1935 as a Second New Deal. Most of the essays in this book focus on the prewar period, with glimpses that look forward to the rhetoric of the approach to and engagement in World War II.

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The Communist Party of the United States from the Depression to World War II
Ottanelli, Fraser
Rutgers University Press, 1991
Library of Congress JK2391.C5O78 1991 | Dewey Decimal 324.2737509

Fraser M. Ottanelli examines the history of the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA) from the stock market crash to the reconstitution of the Party in 1945.  He explains the appeal of the CPUSA and its emergence as the foremost vehicle of left-wing radicalism during these years. 

Most studies of the CPUSA have focused on either the grass-roots activities of the Party's members or the Party's relations with the Communist International in Moscow.  For the first time, Ottanelli explores in depth the subtle and intricate interaction between these two levels. During the '30s and '40s, the policies of the CPUSA were influenced as much by the Party's involvement in national social and labor struggles as they were by Moscow. Party leaders attempted to set policy that would be relevant to American society.  

Ottanelli looks at the Party's domestic policies and activities concerning labor, race, youth, the unemployed, as well as the Party's changing attitude toward FDR and the New Deal, its policies in foreign affairs, and war-time activities. For most of the period under study, Communists increased in strength, influence, relative acceptance, and their ability to make significant contributions to labor and social struggles. Ottanelli attributes these accomplishments to the Party's search for policies, language, and organizational forms that would adapt radicalism to the unique political, social, and cultural environment of the United States.

Expand Description

The Peace Progressives and American Foreign Relations
Robert David Johnson
Harvard University Press, 1995
Library of Congress E744.J658 1995 | Dewey Decimal 327.73

This intensively researched volume covers a previously neglected aspect of American history: the foreign policy perspective of the peace progressives, a bloc of dissenters in the U.S. Senate, between 1913 and 1935. The Peace Progressives and American Foreign Relations is the first full-length work to focus on these senators during the peak of their collective influence. Robert David Johnson shows that in formulating an anti-imperialist policy, the peace progressives advanced the left-wing alternative to the Wilsonian agenda.

The experience of World War I, and in particular Wilson’s postwar peace settlement, unified the group behind the idea that the United States should play an active world role as the champion of weaker states. Senators Asle Gronna of North Dakota, Robert La Follette and John Blaine of Wisconsin, and William Borah of Idaho, among others, argued that this anti-imperialist vision would reconcile American ideals not only with the country’s foreign policy obligations but also with American economic interests. In applying this ideology to both inter-American and European affairs, the peace progressives emerged as the most powerful opposition to the business-oriented internationalism of the decade’s Republican administrations, while formulating one of the most comprehensive critiques of American foreign policy ever to emerge from Congress.

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Promise and Peril: America at the Dawn of a Global Age
Christopher McKnight Nichols
Harvard University Press, 2011
Library of Congress E744.N497 2011 | Dewey Decimal 327.73

Spreading democracy abroad or taking care of business at home is a tension as current as the war in Afghanistan and as old as America itself. Tracing the history of isolationist and internationalist ideas from the 1890s through the 1930s, Nichols reveals unexpected connections among individuals and groups from across the political spectrum who developed new visions for America’s place in the world.

From Henry Cabot Lodge and William James to W. E. B. Du Bois and Jane Addams to Randolph Bourne, William Borah, and Emily Balch, Nichols shows how reformers, thinkers, and politicians confronted the challenges of modern society—and then grappled with urgent pressures to balance domestic priorities and foreign commitments. Each articulated a distinct strain of thought, and each was part of a sprawling national debate over America’s global role. Through these individuals, Nichols conducts us into the larger community as it strove to reconcile America’s founding ideals and ideas about isolation with the realities of the nation’s burgeoning affluence, rising global commerce, and new opportunities for worldwide cultural exchange. The resulting interrelated set of isolationist and internationalist principles provided the basis not just for many foreign policy arguments of the era but also for the vibrant as well as negative connotations that isolationism still possesses.

Nichols offers a bold way of understanding the isolationist and internationalist impulses that shaped the heated debates of the early twentieth century and that continue to influence thinking about America in the world today.

Expand Description

A Quiet Victory for Latino Rights: FDR and the Controversy Over "Whiteness"
Patrick D. Lukens
University of Arizona Press, 2012
Library of Congress E184.S75L85 2012 | Dewey Decimal 323.11680730904

In 1935 a federal court judge handed down a ruling that could have been disastrous for Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and all Latinos in the United States. However, in an unprecedented move, the Roosevelt administration wielded the power of "administrative law" to neutralize the decision and thereby dealt a severe blow to the nativist movement. A Quiet Victory for Latino Rights recounts this important but little-known story.

To the dismay of some nativist groups, the Immigration Act of 1924, which limited the number of immigrants who could be admitted annually, did not apply to immigrants from Latin America. In response to nativist legal maneuverings, the 1935 decision said that the act could be applied to Mexican immigrants. That decision, which ruled that the Mexican petitioners were not "free white person[s]," might have paved the road to segregation for all Latinos.

The League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), founded in 1929, had worked to sensitize the Roosevelt administration to the tenuous position of Latinos in the United States. Advised by LULAC, the Mexican government, and the US State Department, the administration used its authority under administrative law to have all Mexican immigrants—and Mexican Americans—classified as "white." It implemented the policy when the federal judiciary "acquiesced" to the New Deal, which in effect prevented further rulings.

In recounting this story, complete with colorful characters and unlikely bedfellows, Patrick D. Lukens adds a significant chapter to the racial history of the United States. 

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A Troubled Birth: The 1930s and American Public Opinion
Susan Herbst
University of Chicago Press, 2021
Library of Congress HN90.P8H495 2021 | Dewey Decimal 303.380973

Pollsters and pundits armed with the best public opinion polls failed to predict the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Is this because we no longer understand what the American public is? In A Troubled Birth, Susan Herbst argues that we need to return to earlier meanings of "public opinion" to understand our current climate.

Herbst contends that the idea that there was a public—whose opinions mattered—emerged during the Great Depression, with the diffusion of radio, the devastating impact of the economic collapse on so many people, the appearance of professional pollsters, and Franklin Roosevelt’s powerful rhetoric. She argues that public opinion about issues can only be seen as a messy mixture of culture, politics, and economics—in short, all the things that influence how people live. Herbst deftly pins down contours of public opinion in new ways and explores what endures and what doesn’t in the extraordinarily troubled, polarized, and hyper-mediated present. Before we can ask the most important questions about public opinion in American democracy today, we must reckon yet again with the politics and culture of the 1930s.
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6 books about 1929-1933
American Rhetoric in the New Deal Era, 1932-1945
A Rhetorical History of the United States, Volume VII
Thomas Benson
Michigan State University Press, 2006

The New Deal era is hard to define with precision—in time or in ideology. Some historians use New Deal to designate the intense period of domestic reform legislation of the first Franklin Delano Roosevelt administration, 1933–37. Others confine discussion of the era to the legislation of 1933, and identify another wave of legislation in 1935 as a Second New Deal. Most of the essays in this book focus on the prewar period, with glimpses that look forward to the rhetoric of the approach to and engagement in World War II.

[more]

The Communist Party of the United States from the Depression to World War II
Ottanelli, Fraser
Rutgers University Press, 1991

Fraser M. Ottanelli examines the history of the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA) from the stock market crash to the reconstitution of the Party in 1945.  He explains the appeal of the CPUSA and its emergence as the foremost vehicle of left-wing radicalism during these years. 

Most studies of the CPUSA have focused on either the grass-roots activities of the Party's members or the Party's relations with the Communist International in Moscow.  For the first time, Ottanelli explores in depth the subtle and intricate interaction between these two levels. During the '30s and '40s, the policies of the CPUSA were influenced as much by the Party's involvement in national social and labor struggles as they were by Moscow. Party leaders attempted to set policy that would be relevant to American society.  

Ottanelli looks at the Party's domestic policies and activities concerning labor, race, youth, the unemployed, as well as the Party's changing attitude toward FDR and the New Deal, its policies in foreign affairs, and war-time activities. For most of the period under study, Communists increased in strength, influence, relative acceptance, and their ability to make significant contributions to labor and social struggles. Ottanelli attributes these accomplishments to the Party's search for policies, language, and organizational forms that would adapt radicalism to the unique political, social, and cultural environment of the United States.

[more]

The Peace Progressives and American Foreign Relations
Robert David Johnson
Harvard University Press, 1995

This intensively researched volume covers a previously neglected aspect of American history: the foreign policy perspective of the peace progressives, a bloc of dissenters in the U.S. Senate, between 1913 and 1935. The Peace Progressives and American Foreign Relations is the first full-length work to focus on these senators during the peak of their collective influence. Robert David Johnson shows that in formulating an anti-imperialist policy, the peace progressives advanced the left-wing alternative to the Wilsonian agenda.

The experience of World War I, and in particular Wilson’s postwar peace settlement, unified the group behind the idea that the United States should play an active world role as the champion of weaker states. Senators Asle Gronna of North Dakota, Robert La Follette and John Blaine of Wisconsin, and William Borah of Idaho, among others, argued that this anti-imperialist vision would reconcile American ideals not only with the country’s foreign policy obligations but also with American economic interests. In applying this ideology to both inter-American and European affairs, the peace progressives emerged as the most powerful opposition to the business-oriented internationalism of the decade’s Republican administrations, while formulating one of the most comprehensive critiques of American foreign policy ever to emerge from Congress.

[more]

Promise and Peril
America at the Dawn of a Global Age
Christopher McKnight Nichols
Harvard University Press, 2011

Spreading democracy abroad or taking care of business at home is a tension as current as the war in Afghanistan and as old as America itself. Tracing the history of isolationist and internationalist ideas from the 1890s through the 1930s, Nichols reveals unexpected connections among individuals and groups from across the political spectrum who developed new visions for America’s place in the world.

From Henry Cabot Lodge and William James to W. E. B. Du Bois and Jane Addams to Randolph Bourne, William Borah, and Emily Balch, Nichols shows how reformers, thinkers, and politicians confronted the challenges of modern society—and then grappled with urgent pressures to balance domestic priorities and foreign commitments. Each articulated a distinct strain of thought, and each was part of a sprawling national debate over America’s global role. Through these individuals, Nichols conducts us into the larger community as it strove to reconcile America’s founding ideals and ideas about isolation with the realities of the nation’s burgeoning affluence, rising global commerce, and new opportunities for worldwide cultural exchange. The resulting interrelated set of isolationist and internationalist principles provided the basis not just for many foreign policy arguments of the era but also for the vibrant as well as negative connotations that isolationism still possesses.

Nichols offers a bold way of understanding the isolationist and internationalist impulses that shaped the heated debates of the early twentieth century and that continue to influence thinking about America in the world today.

[more]

A Quiet Victory for Latino Rights
FDR and the Controversy Over "Whiteness"
Patrick D. Lukens
University of Arizona Press, 2012

In 1935 a federal court judge handed down a ruling that could have been disastrous for Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and all Latinos in the United States. However, in an unprecedented move, the Roosevelt administration wielded the power of "administrative law" to neutralize the decision and thereby dealt a severe blow to the nativist movement. A Quiet Victory for Latino Rights recounts this important but little-known story.

To the dismay of some nativist groups, the Immigration Act of 1924, which limited the number of immigrants who could be admitted annually, did not apply to immigrants from Latin America. In response to nativist legal maneuverings, the 1935 decision said that the act could be applied to Mexican immigrants. That decision, which ruled that the Mexican petitioners were not "free white person[s]," might have paved the road to segregation for all Latinos.

The League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), founded in 1929, had worked to sensitize the Roosevelt administration to the tenuous position of Latinos in the United States. Advised by LULAC, the Mexican government, and the US State Department, the administration used its authority under administrative law to have all Mexican immigrants—and Mexican Americans—classified as "white." It implemented the policy when the federal judiciary "acquiesced" to the New Deal, which in effect prevented further rulings.

In recounting this story, complete with colorful characters and unlikely bedfellows, Patrick D. Lukens adds a significant chapter to the racial history of the United States. 

[more]

A Troubled Birth
The 1930s and American Public Opinion
Susan Herbst
University of Chicago Press, 2021
Pollsters and pundits armed with the best public opinion polls failed to predict the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Is this because we no longer understand what the American public is? In A Troubled Birth, Susan Herbst argues that we need to return to earlier meanings of "public opinion" to understand our current climate.

Herbst contends that the idea that there was a public—whose opinions mattered—emerged during the Great Depression, with the diffusion of radio, the devastating impact of the economic collapse on so many people, the appearance of professional pollsters, and Franklin Roosevelt’s powerful rhetoric. She argues that public opinion about issues can only be seen as a messy mixture of culture, politics, and economics—in short, all the things that influence how people live. Herbst deftly pins down contours of public opinion in new ways and explores what endures and what doesn’t in the extraordinarily troubled, polarized, and hyper-mediated present. Before we can ask the most important questions about public opinion in American democracy today, we must reckon yet again with the politics and culture of the 1930s.
[more]




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BiblioVault ® 2001 - 2023
The University of Chicago Press